Gerson: Trump’s conspiracy theories endanger democracy

Jan 31, 2018
  • By Michael Gerson
  • Washington Post

Just as Bill Clinton’s 1998 State of the Union address is known as the speech after the Monica Lewinsky scandal broke, Donald Trump’s 2018 State of the Union address is likely to be remembered as the speech before Robert Mueller’s report arrived.

Clinton remains the gold standard in presidential scandal management: Stubbornly talk in public about “the people’s business.” Ruthlessly destroy the reputations of investigators and hostile witnesses. Tell delaying lies. And dismiss the controversy as a partisan matter — even a partisan conspiracy.

Little about Trump’s response so far deviates from this playbook. The goal is to shift the grounds of the debate — making any charges against the president appear trivial, malicious and highly political.

The current president’s practice of this strategy, however, is more disturbing and damaging than his predecessor’s.

Trump’s sustained attack on the FBI’s credibility (“in tatters,” he claims) comes in the context of a broad assault on the integrity of American institutions. Trump has maligned the CIA (comparing it to the Nazis), the electoral system (“rigged”), the media (“fake news”), the federal judiciary (U.S. District Judge Gonzalo Curiel is a “hater” and a “Mexican”) and the Justice Department (harboring the “deep state”). Any institution that checks him is smeared.

Trump has built his scandal strategy on a foundation of conspiracy theories, targeted by partisan media to the most receptive. “We have a coup on our hands in America, ” says Fox News host Jesse Watters.

Does Trump believe this? Who knows? In this matter, sincerity is downright scary. It means we have a conspiracy-minded, 71-year-old Fox viewer engaged in a strange feedback loop with conservative cable television — each encouraging the delusions of the other.

Why is this a danger to democracy? People who believe conspiracy theories cease to believe in the possibility of discourse and deliberation. At stake in our political moment is respect for the rule of law itself. A president who doesn’t like being subject to the rules is attempting to discredit the enforcers of the rules. This has been tried before but seldom with a heavier hand.

Perhaps most frightening is how enthusiastically some members of Congress have taken to Trump’s strategy — and how quickly this has intimidated most others in the caucus. There is, according to some Republicans, a “secret society” at work in the FBI, in a plot that is “worse than Watergate.” In one of those shocking ironies that have become commonplace in the Trump era, law-and-order Republicans call on America’s leading law enforcement agency to be “purged” for political reasons. It is the triumph of partisanship over ideology. It is the triumph of partisanship over sanity.

No amount of presidential words can change the showdown that now seems inevitable. Based only on what we currently know, Trump’s presidential campaign desired to collude with the Russians. The case for obstruction by the president seems strong. Actions by the special counsel also hint at the investigation of financial corruption.

What if Mueller comes out with a, say, 400-page report, along with five volumes of supporting material, detailing serious offenses in all these areas? Trump has made his response clear: If law enforcement does its job, it will be evidence of a conspiracy to abuse its power. One question, at that point, would dominate our politics: Will Republicans choose to live within this lie?